by Norman Solomon
Killing Them Softly: Starvation and Dollars for Afghan Kids
The Pentagon’s air drops of food parcels and
President Bush’s plea for American children to aid Afghan kids with
dollar bills will go down in history as two of the most cynical
maneuvers of media manipulation in the early 21st century.
Many US news outlets have been eager to play along. A New York
Times editorial proclaimed, “Mr. Bush has wisely made providing
humanitarian assistance to the Afghan people an integral part of
American strategy.” Later, on October 12, the same newspaper continued
its praise for the US food-aid charades: “His reaffirmation of the
need for humanitarian aid to the people of Afghanistan—including
donations from American children—seemed heartfelt.”
While thousands of kids across the US stuff dollar bills into
envelopes and mail them to the White House, the US government
continues a bombing campaign that is accelerating the momentum of mass
starvation in Afghanistan.
Relief workers have voiced escalating alarm. Jonathan Patrick, an
official with the humanitarian aid group Concern, minced no words. He
called the food drops “absolute nonsense.”
“What we need are 20-ton trucks in huge convoys going across the
border all the time,” said Patrick, based in Islamabad. But when the
bombing began, the truck traffic into Afghanistan stopped.
In tandem with the bombing campaign, the US government launched a PR
blitz about its food-from-the-sky effort. But the Nobel-winning French
organization Doctors Without Borders has charged that the gambit is
“virtually useless and may even be dangerous.” One aid group after
another echoes the assessment. The US has been dropping 37,000 meals a
day on a country where several million Afghans face the imminent
threat of starvation. Some of the food, inevitably, is landing on
minefields.
The food drops began on Sunday, October 7, along with the bombing. By
October 11, some 137,000 of the packages of the rations had been
dropped, according to the Knight-Ridder News Service. “International
aid organization officials say, however, that around 5 million Afghans
are in danger of starvation because the nation’s borders are sealed
and food supplies are diminishing by the day—meaning that only a tiny
percentage of the hungry are receiving the US food.” The borders are
sealed because of the continuous bombing.
Pentagon chief Donald Rumsfeld wasn’t worried about provoking
appropriate derision and outrage when he told reporters on October 8:
“It is quite true that 37,000 rations in a day do not feed millions of
human beings. On the other hand, if you were one of the starving
people who got one of the rations, you’d be appreciative.”
Avowedly, the main targets of the bombing are the people in the bin
Laden network and their Taliban supporters. But the rhetorical salvoes
will be understood, all too appropriately, in wider contexts. “We will
root them out and starve them out,” Rumsfeld said, just before closing
a news conference with a ringing declaration: “We are determined not
to be terrorized.”
Supposedly, bombing Afghanistan is going to make us safer back here in
the USA. But as soon as the attacks began, the FBI called for
heightened alerts across the US—because the risk of another deadly
attack in this country had just increased. What’s wrong with this
picture?
Unlike the media herd, longtime foreign correspondent Robert Fisk is
exploring key questions. “President Bush says this is a war between
good and evil,” he wrote in the London-based Independent
newspaper. “You are either with us or against us. But that’s exactly
what bin Laden says. Isn’t it worth pointing this out and asking where
it leads?”
Fisk asks other questions that aren’t ready for prime time: “Why are
we journalists falling back on the same sheep-like conformity that we
adopted in the 1991 Gulf War and the 1999 Kosovo war? ... Is there
some kind of rhetorical fog that envelopes us every time we bomb
someone?”
In wartime, media accounts seem to zigzag between selected facts and
easy sentimentality. Michael Herr, a journalist who covered the
Vietnam War, later wrote that the US media “never found a way to
report meaningfully about death, which of course was really what it
was all about.” Obscured by countless news stories, “the suffering was
somehow unimpressive.” Accustomed to seeing its military might as
self-justifying, the USA powered ahead. “We took space back quickly,
expensively, with total panic and close to maximum brutality,” Herr
observed. “Our machine was devastating. And versatile. It could do
everything but stop.”
In an October 12 editorial headlined “Mr. Bush’s New Gravitas,” the
New York Times concluded that the President is providing
exactly the kind of leadership we need: “As he reflected on the
sorrow, compassion and determination that have swept the country since
those horrifying hours on the morning of September 11, he seemed to be
a leader whom the nation could follow in these difficult times.”
Among the leadership qualities most appreciated by editorial writers
is the Bush administration’s aptitude for shameless propaganda. While
the Pentagon keeps dropping tons of bombs, it scatters some meals to
the winds. While persisting with a bombing campaign that shows every
sign of resulting in mass starvation, among other disastrous
consequences, Bush urges American children to send in dollar bills “to
help the children of Afghanistan.”
Norman Solomon writes a syndicated column on media and politics.
His latest book is “The Habits of Highly Deceptive
Media.”
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